The British are 'trapped' by their past - particularly their empire:
Jay Doubleyou: rule britannia?
Jay Doubleyou: what we think about the british empire - 70 years after the partition of india
Jay Doubleyou: inglorious empire - what the british did to india
Jay Doubleyou: what is british history?
Jay Doubleyou: british commonwealth ... british empire
Much of this is connected to Brexit of course - and how the British see themselves:
Jay Doubleyou: brexit, fantasy and boris
Jay Doubleyou: brexit: and what the british think of themselves
Jay Doubleyou: identity in the uk
With the latest import from the US very much in the political air - and debates around so-called 'woke':
Jay Doubleyou: every town and city in britain profited from the slave trade
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Here is a piece from this month's Baffler magazine which looks at a new book out on much of this:
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Empire 2.0
On the “imperial nostalgia” driving British culture war
Phoebe Braithwaite, July 20
Red, white and blue: What does it mean to you? Peter Mitchell grapples with this question in his new book Imperial Nostalgia: How the British Conquered Themselves, which takes stock of how a generalized longing for an invented imperial heyday inflects and infects various fronts in the UK’s so-called culture wars. The heady allure of imperial nostalgia, it argues, promises some threadbare consolation for the country’s full-throttle transformation into a managed democracy of authoritarian ethnonationalism. From free speech debates to the criminal mismanagment of the pandemic, the disavowed specter of empire hangs about British political life like flies swarming over an unattended body...
Some seventeen years ago the scholar Paul Gilroy analyzed the phenomenon of “postcolonial melancholia,” anatomizing the seductions of nationalism in Britain’s particular context. “The vanished empire is essentially unmourned,” Gilroy writes. “The meaning of its loss remains pending. The chronic, nagging pain of its absence feeds a melancholic attachment.” The “two-world-wars-and-one-world-cup mentality”— which always has the defeat of Nazism ready at hand while it keeps violent wars of decolonization and their prehistories firmly under lock and key—results in neurotic relivings which “reveal an insidious blockage in British culture, something that helps in turn to explain the political resonance of UKIP and the BNP,” the UK Independence and British National Parties, and the fervid xenophobia these groups manifest. Mitchell’s book builds on some of this analytical hinterland to renew our understanding of how the uninterrogated past bleeds into the present––how the energies attending an image of historical pride have been continually reappropriated by darkly reactionary political forces, and how they can, and should, be redirected.
What is imperial nostalgia? Mitchell begins by sketching the contours of the concept, which has become something of a catch-all in recent years. In his capable hands, however, its operations and effects are named with a precision that does not undermine its psychologically expansive appeal. Mitchell quotes the seventeenth century Swiss doctor Johannes Hofer via Soviet American artist and scholar Svetlana Boym. “Nostalgia was said to produce ‘erroneous representations’ that caused the afflicted to lose touch with the present,” Hofer observed in 1688, while treating Swiss students, mercenaries, soldiers and servants working or studying far from home. “Longing for their native land became their single-minded obsession,” with all aspects of daily life capable of being spooled into its span. Likewise, the experience of imperial nostalgia, Mitchell argues, is not just some lightly felt fancy or excuse for “rote grumpiness,” but evidence of a “real and unassuageable grief” that we should take seriously...
The academic Robert Saunders agrees that a lust for grandeur holds across the divide, but among Brexiteers he finds something still more nefarious at play. “Nostalgia at least begins from a sense of rupture: a recognition that something has been left behind, to which we can return only in the imagination,” he writes. “The story they tell is not of a great empire that no longer exists . . . but of a small island that has always punched above its weight; a ‘swashbuckling,’ ‘buccaneering’ people valiantly winning out against the odds.” Given the government’s reported desire to christen post-Brexit trade deals with formerly colonized Commonwealth countries “Empire 2.0,” Saunders raises a fair point...
That there is nothing actually in Englishness is a well-worn line. Writing after historians such as Benedict Anderson and Tom Nairn, who spoke of a “nullity of native intellectual traditions,” authors such as Fintan O’Toole, Anthony Barnett, Paul Gilroy, and Afua Hirsch have argued that there is a void at the heart of English life. This is more than the jibe that all English culture amounts to is its curryhouses (“I am the sugar at the bottom of the English cup of tea,” the British-Jamaican scholar Stuart Hall famously said.) It’s also the idea that Britain spent so much of itself pillaging the rest of the world that it’s never been tempered and developed as, say, a nationalist movement built from below. The main story of English national identity is that it conquered in order to free. Because that’s a lie, all sorts of twisted ideologies have arisen to shore it up. Empire, in this context, is “a cultural totem whose content doesn’t matter . . . enlisted as a symbol of whiteness under threat from various enemies,” Mitchell writes...
“After the French Revolution and the nationalist uprisings and secessions of 1848, and in the face of the challenges posed by mass urban society and globalization, elites across the world were beginning to find that the ever more complex machinery of the modern state required mythologies and rituals to sustain it,” he writes, invoking Eric Hobsbawm’s “invention of tradition” to show how our versions of the past get minted and reprinted at scale as social formations expand. Empire was, at first gasp and through its Victorian reprisals, propelled by a mythic ambition to recapture a halcyon past, always forged under the guise of innocence. As the imperialist historian John Robert Seeley wrote in The Expansion of England in 1883, typifying this wilful naivety, “We seem, as it were, to have conquered and peopled half the world in a fit of absence of mind.”
Perceived breaches of this myth of innocence today result in crazed, state-sponsored keyboard wars. Mitchell shows us how the question of what it means to be English is more and more fought through battles whipped up online. Thus he leads us to the stately homes of the National Trust, houses which populate the national landscape, both mental and literal, as refuges of beauty and tranquillity. The Trust’s decision to publish a report in September 2020 detailing their connection to colonialism and slavery was met with a frenzied sense of trespass, as though these houses, which the essayist Patrick Wright describes as “an ethereal kind of holding company for the dead spirit of the nation,” were being bridged by the rampant and censorious forces of the woke. Mitchell patiently disentangles this confected crisis—as he does with the assaults on the Cambridge academic Priyamvada Gopal, the crusade waged by Cecil Rhodes-defending Oxford theologian Nigel Biggar, and the statue wars that crop up all the way from Newcastle to Nuneaton—with a consistent sense that it is primarily those in positions of power who are responsible for this mess...
Homing in on the “rubbery androgyny” of the former Conservative MP Rory Stewart, who became a pet celebrity after his leadership bid in 2019, the book offers an account of how the Tory party, undergoing an identity crisis of its own, has increasingly retreated into a performance of pomposity, a pantomime of the boarding school boy abroad which renders the dauntless explorer somehow beyond the clutches of moral responsibility.
Stewart’s hi-jinks—marauding through the Hindu Kush; meeting helpful locals in Kabul; wandering “from Derry to Dunbar, from Edinburgh to Peterborough” to get the measure of the average English Joe in the wild; serving in the Foreign Office, visiting war-ravaged East Timor and Kosovo; and the insignia of his elite schooling—all add up to a caricature of Englishness in the place of anything you might actually be able to measure or dispute. “Watching Stewart, it is hard not to feel that he is a collection of quotations and stylized gestures, all taken from a certain late imperial vocabulary, and arranged melancholically around an absent center where an empire should be,” Mitchell writes. The imperial boomerang thesis holds that governments whet their repressive capabilities on subject populations in colonial territories before taking aim at those at home. In the “theater of contempt” we might otherwise call the British Isles, Mitchell articulates how race, class, and regionality coagulate when it comes to the work they perform for the powerful, people who treat Britain’s “domestic Others” as “objects of fascination, disgust, ethnographic investigation and a kind of sentimental valorization deeply inflected with nostalgia.”...
Reacting against an increasingly chaotic and alienating modernity, “replacement theory, New World Order paranoia, various strands of trutherism and the ‘evolutionary psychology’ of eternal imagos, anxious gender essentialism and resurgent race science trafficked in by the so-called Intellectual Dark Web,” are in the ascendant. This highly readable book, from an unusually eloquent, likable and incisive voice, does its level best to lay those currents bare...
As Paul Gilroy argued after the toppling of slave trader Edward Colston’s statue in Bristol last year: “It’s not a case of looking for an apology because you are offended, it’s about looking through that history—colonialism, slavery—and familiarizing yourself with it in all its intimate detail.” In most quarters, we are still struggling to steel ourselves to look through that past; in fact, to look directly at it at all. But there is cause for some optimism...
The footballer Marcus Rashford––a man who singlehandedly shamed the government into feeding hungry children at the high point of the pandemic––recently responded to the torrent of racist abuse he endured after England’s defeat at the European Championship: “I will never apologize for who I am and where I came from. . . . The communities that always wrapped their arms around me continue to hold me up. I’m Marcus Rashford, twenty-three-year-old, black man from Withington and Wythenshawe, South Manchester. If I have nothing else I have that.”
Empire 2.0 | Phoebe Braithwaite
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